Repaying the West's Debt to Islam

Science today wouldn't be as advanced without so many discoveries from the Muslim world. It's time to reach across today's hurtful barriers

Unless you're a history buff, it can be hard to believe how pivotal early Islamic civilization was in laying the foundations of modern science, mathematics, technology, and the arts. Between 600 AD and 1400 AD, Europe was caught in a bleak time, commonly termed the Dark Ages. During that same period, however, Islamic societies were making fundamental discoveries.

The contributions of early Islamic people are far too numerous to list. A few innovations starting with the letter "a" are: acetic acid, alcohol, almanacs, aloe, and astrolabes. In addition, these people were adept at improving the technologies and inventions that Muslim traders brought back from China .

In the sciences, Islamic scholars began converting Greek speculations into a process for uncovering verifiable facts. They made fundamental contributions to medicine, astronomy, chemistry, physics, and optics. In medicine, for example, Muslim scientists developed a hollow needle for removing cataracts from the eye by suction -- around 1,000 years ago. And mathematics was a Muslim forte, as seen in the creation of algebra and the Arabic number system that we use today.

AT ODDS AGAIN.   New musical instruments, such as the violin and the guitar, which most people associate with Western music, owe their origins to the peoples of North Africa and Asia Minor . Islamic artistic contributions ranged from architecture and calligraphy to painting and poetry.

These ideas and discoveries spread outside the Muslim world as a result, ironically, of the Crusades. Although Europe lost militarily, the transfer of goods and ideas led directly to the Renaissance. All this is particularly surprising when juxtaposed with the contemporary view of Muslim society as being theocratic and backward.

Hundreds of years after the Crusades, the Western and Muslim worlds are once again at odds. While the West is racing ahead in industrialization and human rights, the Muslim world seems less eager for change. If Westernization threatens to undermine their proud history, many Islamic countries would rather foresake foreign amenities, preserve their customs and culture, and continue leading a religious life according to the Quran.

GROWING DISTRUST.   Islamic resistance to change may stem largely from the desires of political and religious leaders to preserve their power. But skepticism toward Western modernity is not illogical. Some horrific events of the 20th century were justified in terms of "scientific" and "innovative" thinking. Both Hitler and Stalin employed the tools of modern science to advance programs that they viewed as highly "rational."

Coming on top of the political mayhem in the Middle East wrought by the West and its imperialistic policies from the late 19th century until after World War I, it's hardly surprising that the Muslim world views the West with suspicion. The creation and continuing support of Israel , and now the war on terrorism, have only intensified Muslim distrust.

Perhaps it's time for the West to remember its debts to the Muslim world and help Islamic society to regain its past glory -- on their terms, not ours.

SEE AND BE SEEN.   As a beginning, we must establish mutual trust. Given the condescending and stereotypical viewpoints with which each has viewed the other, one small step might be for the U.S. State Dept. or philanthropic organizations to arrange regular visits by Muslim clerics to U.S. universities and public TV and radio shows. Many Americans know so little about the Muslim religion that they would be pleasantly surprised to learn it's more tolerant of other religions than some Protestant denominations are, and more catholic in outlook than Catholicism.

School teachers from Islamic countries could be invited to join educational workshops organized by such groups as the National Science Teachers Assn. and the National Science Foundation. Simultaneous translations would be available even to small contingents.

Leaders from Muslim communities in the U.S. could make sponsored goodwill tours of the Middle East . Hopefully, they would convey the message that the first amendment of our Constitution guarantees people the right to worship freely as long as it doesn't harm others. Hearing this from fellow Muslims who live in the U.S. might help persuade skeptics that, contrary to past lessons of history, Western culture does not imply meddling in the religious preferences of other peoples.

WORDS TO LIVE BY.   Such actions could be a start, but changing mindsets on both sides will be a long-term effort. Whatever the duration, we must be patient and remember that we're honoring a debt, expecting nothing in return. We must accept that the Muslin leaders who emerge may not agree with us on all things.

It will be a Herculean task, but not an impossible one. Through it all, people-to-people contacts will be vital. The wisdom for that permeates Western culture -- even popular music. In the words of a Sting song: "You can't control an independent heart... If you love someone, set them free."

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Mahatma Gandhi, statement published in 'Young India', 1924.

I wanted to know the best of the life of one who holds today an undisputed sway over the hearts of millions of mankind.... I became more than ever convinced that it was not the sword that won a place for Islam in those days in the scheme of life. It was the rigid simplicity, the utter self-effacement of the Prophet the scrupulous regard for pledges, his intense devotion to his friends and followers, his intrepidity, his fearlessness, his absolute trust in God and in his own mission. These and not the sword carried everything before them and surmounted every obstacle. When I closed the second volume (of the Prophet's biography), I was sorry there was not more for me to read of that great life.

ENCYCLOPEDIA BRITANNICA confirms:

"....a mass of detail in the early sources show that he was an honest and upright man who had gained the respect and loyalty of others who were like-wise honest and upright men."
(Vol. 12)

GEORGE BERNARD SHAW said about him:

"He must be called the Savior of Humanity. I believe that if a man like him were to assume the dictatorship of the modern world, he would succeed in solving its problems in a way that would bring it much needed peace and happiness."

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Ahmad Deedat on SunniShia Unity

" I say why cant you accept the Shia brothers as a fifth madhab. And the astonishing thing is that he is telling you that he wants to be one with you. He is not talking about being Shia. He is shouting "there is no Sunni nor Shia there is one thing, Islam." But we say to them "no you are different you are Shia." This attitude is a sickness of the devil. He wants to divide us.
Can you imagine we Sunnis are 90% of the Muslim world and the ten percent who are Shias want to be partners and brothers with you in faith and the 90% are terrified.
I cant understand why should you the 90% be so terrified. They should be the ones terrified. And if you just knew the feelings that they have for you. During Jummah prayers in Iran, there are a million people. And you should see the way they look at you when you pass by, they recognize that you are a foreigner and not one of them and tears start rolling down their cheeks. This is the feeling that they have for you, but you say no, you want to keep them out, afraid that they will absolve you.
You can only be absolved if there is something better than what you have. I don't know, maybe some of you think I am a Shia, but I'm still with you all here.
What is all this Shia-Sunni tensions? It is all politics. These antagonisms we have are all politics now. If a Sunni brother somewhere does something wrong you say oh the individual is not being very Islamic, he is a kaffir, But if a Shia does something wrong you want to condemn the whole Shia community, the whole nation of millions, and say they are all rubbish just because one Shias actions are not very Islamic. At the same time where we look the other way if one of your relatives does something serious because he is your father or your uncle. One group of Sunnis says to another "you are not a Muslim" another group of Sunnis says "you are not a Muslim you are a kaffir" look that's among us, and we fight among ourselves. And some of us do funny things. "
--Ahmad Deedat

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The waxing of the Shi'ite crescent

DAMASCUS - Since the Islamic revolution took place in Iran in 1979, one of its prime objectives was to strengthen Shi'ites all over the Muslim world. Before that revolution, they were a disinherited, underprivileged and neglected community in Lebanon and Iraq.

This "Shi'ite emancipation" was first done in Lebanon, through the charismatic cleric Musa al-Sadr, who was funded and supported by the

mullahs of Tehran in his "Movement of the Dispossessed" and its military branch, Amal, created in 1974 and 1975, respectively.

They later supported Hezbollah, a pure Iranian creation, that strove at first to establish a theocracy in Lebanon, similar to the one in Iran. In time, the role of Hezbollah became to defend the Shi'ite community in Lebanon, rather than bring them to power in Beirut, and safeguard their political rights in the complex confessional system of Lebanon.

In Iraq, the mullahs began to fund, train, protect and harbor Shi'ite dissidents opposed to the regime of Saddam Hussein, where they were oppressed by the Sunni minority. Ibrahim Jaafari, the new prime minister, who is the de facto ruler of the new Iraq, spent the years 1980-89 as a fugitive in Iran.

After 25 years of underground struggle, this community succeeded in toppling Saddam, ironically, with the help of the US. The overthrow of Saddam, the newfound status of the Shi'ites in Iraq, their victory in the January 2005 elections, and the election of Jaafari were all well received in Tehran. They summed up what Iran had wanted in Iraq since 1979.

Jaafari, who has been active in Shi'ite politics since 1968, raises hopes throughout the Muslim world that struggle, persecution and long years of banishment will not prevent the Shi'ites from rising to power in their respective communities, just like they did in Iran in 1979, and Iraq in 2003. A member of the pan-Shi'ite United Iraqi Alliance, and a brother-in-law of Grand Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani, Jaafari's appointment as premier raises more than an eyebrow in the Arab world.

The Shi'ites and Syria
Syria's relationship with Iran and its Shi'ites has always been a strategic one, based on pragmatism and mutual interests rather than pan-Shi'ite loyalties, as was the case with Lebanon and Iraq. The Shi'ite community in Syria is small and has no history of political ambitions. They are first-class citizens, and occupy several senior posts - as Syrians, however, and not as Shi'ite Syrians.

Among the most prominent are Dr Hani Murtada, the current minister of higher education, who had been president of Damascus University and is one of the finest pediatricians in Syria, and comedian and political satirist Duraid Lahham.

During the entire pre-Ba'ath era, only one Shi'ite politician rose to fame in Syria, namely Said Haydar from Baalbak, who co-led the revolt against the French in the 1920s, and served several times as a deputy in the Syrian parliament, and who was a co-author of its constitution.

Syria's support for the Iranian revolution began in 1979, due to its animosity toward the US-backed and Israel-allied regime of Shah Reza Pahlevi. Actually, Damascus had even involved itself in the Shi'ite underground, by helping some of Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini's lieutenants prior to the revolution that deposed the Shah.

Men like Ibrahim Yazdi, Mustapha Chamran and Sadiq Qotbzadeh (two future ministers in the Islamic Republic) were all allies of Syria, and Qotbzadeh, for example, had been given a Syrian passport to conduct anti-Shah activities, disguised as a Paris correspondent for the Syrian daily al-Thawra.

Damascus was pleased when Iran's new leader, Khomeini, closed down the Israeli Embassy in Tehran, to show his distance from the Shah and his alliances, then reopened it as an embassy for the Palestinian Liberation Organization of Yasser Arafat. Syrian leader Hafez Assad had offered Khomeini asylum in Syria in October 1978. When Khomeini came to power, Syrian vice president Abd al-Halim Khaddam remarked that the Islamic revolution in Iran was the "most important event in our contemporary history" and boasted that Syria had supported it "prior to its outbreak, during it and after its triumph".

Syria also backed, but provided no arms or money to, Iran during its eight-year war with the Ba'athist regime of Saddam, starting in 1980. When the war ended, the two countries found more room for cooperation vis-a-vis combating Israel through Hezbollah in south Lebanon. Iran did it out of pan-Shi'ite loyalties. Syria did it to continue its war by proxy with Israel.

Some speculated that with Saddam gone in 2003, the common enemy of Damascus and Tehran, both countries would have little reason for future cooperation, especially since the new leaders of Baghdad were Shi'ite allies, and proteges, of Iran. The new Iran-friendly regime in Baghdad, many argued, would end all logical reasons for a Syrian-Iranian honeymoon.

Yet Iran continued its support for Syria, even after international pressure mounted on Damascus following the assassination of Lebanese ex-prime minister Rafik Hariri on February 14. Iran feared, some believed, that Hezbollah's alliance with Syria in the aftermath of the Hariri crisis would damage the guerrilla movement's standing in Lebanon.

These fears were brushed aside by a statement by Syrian Prime Minister Mohammad Naji al-Otari expressing solidarity with Iran, and by Iranian Vice President Mohammad Reza Aref, who said, "We are ready to help Syria confront all threats." Syria noted Iran's positive attitude and responded with positive gestures, reacting very warmly to the appointment of Iran's ally, Jaafari, as premier.

The Shi'ites of Bahrain
In Bahrain, which has a 70% Shi'ite majority (of a total population of about 443,000), ruled by a Sunni minority, the Shi'ites hoped that Shi'ite power in Tehran and Baghdad would bring more regional and international attention to their plight. To them, the ascent of Jaafari and the Shi'ites in Iraq is of no less importance than the Islamic revolution of 1979.

Treated as an underclass, they rose against the Bahraini government in 1994, with the funding of Iran, demanding reforms, better living conditions and restoration of the parliament abrogated by Sheikh Issa bin Salman al-Khalifa in 1975. Hopes were a little heightened in 2002 when Issa's son, King Hamad, restored constitutional life to Bahrain, but curbed its powers, and reduced Shi'ite representation.

They boycotted elections in 2002, and were very poorly represented in the lower chamber of parliament (the upper chamber was appointed by the king). Before the elections, in an attempt at bolstering Sunni representation in Bahrain, authorities decided to grant dual citizenship to nationals of the Gulf Cooperation Council living in Bahrain (mostly Sunnis). This aroused much controversy, and the Bahraini government decided to back down, fearing Shi'ite wrath, and grant citizenship to 10,000 Shi'ites living in Bahrain as an appeasement before the elections of October 2002.

On March 26 this year, shortly after it was confirmed that Jaafari was the new prime minister of Iraq, 80,000 Shi'ite demonstrators came out in Bahrain to demand a new constitution giving them more rights, among which was electing a prime minister, and not having him appointed by the king. In the past, demonstrators in Bahrain carried photographs of Iraq's Sistani and Ali Khamenei, the Supreme Leader of Iran.

The Shi'ites of Saudi Arabia
The same scare has taken over Saudi Arabia since 2003, where 11% of its 25 million people are Shi'ites. They, too, complain of being discriminated against, and have strong alliances in Baghdad and Tehran. Only a few days after the fall of Baghdad in April 2003, Sheikh Hasan al-Saffa, a leading Saudi Shi'ite reformist, appeared on satellite television to demand an end to the injustice done against the Shi'ites in Saudi Arabia.

Shi'ite districts in Saudi Arabia were underdeveloped, and Saudi authorities prevented Shi'ites from practicing their rituals and building mosques, in addition to denying them equal access to government jobs and the Saudi army. By the end of April 2003, the Shi'ites had petitioned Crown Prince Abdullah, the de facto ruler of Saudi Arabia, for political and religious freedoms. Among other things, they demanded increased representation in government, the right to set up their own courts, publish their own books, the lifting of bans on their rituals, and the creation of a special department to oversee their issues at the Ministry of Endowments and Islamic Affairs.

Deeply rooted in the Arabian desert, the Shi'ites were around before the modern state of Saudi Arabia was created in the 1920s. In 1913, they swore allegiance to King Abd al-Aziz (the kingdom's founder, who was then sultan of Nejd), in exchange for a promise made by him to guarantee their safety and freedom of expression, once the desert was united. This was done despite promises by the British to grant them protectorate status, similar to the one according to the small Persian Gulf sheikhdoms.

Abd al-Aziz honored his initial promise, yet reneged on his promises when creating Saudi Arabia in 1925. Matters remained strained, more or less, throughout the 20th century, and in 1993 an agreement was reached between expatriate Saudi Shi'ites and King Fahd. They promised to halt opposition activities from abroad, urge Shi'ite activists to return to Saudi Arabia, in exchange for an amnesty by the king, and no more discrimination. This did not happen.

Today, fears are heightened that the Shi'ites of Saudi Arabia will be influenced, funded or helped by the victorious Shi'ites of Iraq. The Saudi Shi'ites, it must be noted, refused to cooperate with Iran when it called on them in 1980-88 to rebel against the House of Saud.

Shi'ites in the remainder of the Gulf are not as active, or as dangerous to established regimes, as they are in Bahrain and Saudi Arabia. Many have become active, however, since the rise of the Iraqi Shi'ites in 2003. In Yemen, the Shi'ites, who are 30% of the country's 20 million, have also been highly influenced by the Iraq debacle. They live in tribal regions of Yemen, are heavily armed and are greatly underdeveloped. In 2004, seeing the benefits their co-religionaries were getting in Iraq, they launched a failed rebellion against President Ali Abdullah Saleh, and it was suppressed by authorities, leading to the killing of more than 400 people.

In Kuwait, where the Shi'ites are 25% of Kuwait's 2.2 million, they are loyal and in harmony with the established government, represented with five deputies in parliament, and until recently with Mohammad Abu al-Hassan, a Shi'ite, as minister of information. Matters became tense in 2004 when Yasser Habeeb, a Kuwaiti Shi'ite student activist, was arrested for distributing material offending leaders of the Sunni faith who were companions of the Prophet Mohammed. He was released in February 2004, but authorities tried to arrest him again, to no avail. The only two countries (in addition to Syria) with a significant Shi'ite majority, which nevertheless has no history of political ambitions, or activism, are Oman and the United Arab Emirates.

There is a fear rapidly creeping throughout the Arab world from the rising Shi'ite influence in the Middle East.

Shi'ite resurgence?
Two years after the fall of Saddam's regime in Iraq, it is safe to ask: Who were the real victors in this bloody war of the Middle East in 2003? At first glance, the only victors were George W Bush and the neo-conservatives at the White House. A closer look would show, however, that Iran as well, ironically, has a lot to gain from the new Middle East.

Or more specifically, the real victors are the Shi'ites of Iran and the Muslim world. They will enjoy the fruits of the post-Saddam order long after Bush's army leaves Iraq. This region, many fear, is now dominated by a "Shi'ite crescent" uniting the Shi'ites of Iran, Lebanon, Iraq and the Arab Gulf region.

Fear of this threat was first used by King Abdullah of Jordan in an interview with the Washington Post last December, arousing anger of the Shi'ite community in the Arab world. Actually, the fear of a "crescent" in this part of the world dates back to the 1950s, when Iraqi prime minister Nuri al-Sa'id talked about a "fertile crescent" plan for the Middle East, to unite Iraq with Syria, Lebanon, Palestine and Jordan, in a federal union to be ruled by the Hashemite family in Baghdad.

This plan, lobbied for extensively in Amman and Baghdad, was received with cold shivers in Damascus, Beirut, Cairo and Riyadh. The "crescent" remains, but players and roles have shifted over the past 50 years. Today's "crescent" is lobbied for extensively by its Iranian creator, and supported by Baghdad, parts of Beirut and Damascus, while it is being spurned in Saudi Arabia, Bahrain, Yemen and Kuwait. Source: http://www.atimes.com/atimes/Middle_East/GD20Ak01.html

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Predominantly Muslim Countries Classified by Relation with Islam

http://www.uscirf.gov/mediaroom/press/2005/march/03082005/Study0305.pdf

Table: Defining a Constitutional Role for Religion

Map: Predominantly Muslim Countries Classified by Relation with Islam

It also should be noted that of the approximately 300 million Muslims not living in predominantly Muslim countries, the vast majority are found in just a handful of states. In particular, India , Nigeria , China , Russia , Ethiopia , and Tanzania are home to over 270 million Muslims, or nearly 90 percent of those living outside of predominantly Muslim.

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A List of online books about the Shi`a Islam

- Shi'ite Encyclopedia Version 2.0 - http://www.al-islam.org/encyclopedia/index.html

- Al-Muraja'aat - http://www.al-islam.org/murajaat/
A Sunni/Shi'i dialogue otherwise known as The Right Path.

- Peshawar Nights - http://www.al-islam.org/peshawar
Peshawar Nights is the English translation of a dialogue amongst several Sunni sholars and a 31 year-old Shi'a scholar, Muhammad al-Musawi Sultanu'l-Wa'izin, of Shiraz, Iran, held over a period of ten nights in Peshawar, India, beginning on 27 January 1927. The dialogues were a model of mutual respect and decorum. A condition of the dialogue was that only sources acceptable to both sects would be cited. The dialogue was held in Farsi, commonly understood in the city of Peshawar. The transcript, made by four reporters and published in the newspapers daily, was published in book form in Teheran and soon became a classic authority in the East. The present work is based on the fourth edition, published in Teheran in 1971, the year i n which Sultanu'l-Wa'izin died at the age of 75.

- Then I was Guided - http://www.al-islam.org/guided
An English translation of Thumma Ihtadaytu by Sayed Mohamed Tijani Smaoui, Then I was Guided is an autobiographical account of Sayed Tijani's search for knowledge. His style is very conversational and this book is very easy reading. Besi des being an inspirational account of his journey in search of truth, this work also aims to remove some of the barriers that exist between the schools of thought of the ahl-as-Sunnah and the shi'a by clearing a lot of the misconceptions that have been fabricated against the shi`a in religious literature.

- Ask Those who Know - http://www.al-islam.org/ask/index.html
An English translation of Fasaloo ahl al-Dhikr by Sayed Mohamed Tijani Smaoui, the same author of Then I was Guided. In this work, Sayed Tijani examines issues of free will/predestination, the infallibility of the Prophet (s) and th e Ahl al-Bayt (a), the companions of the Prophet (s), and the authenticity of the books of traditions compiled by al-Bukhari and al-Muslim.

- Hadith ath-Thaqalayn:( http://www.al-islam.org/thaqalayn/nontl/ ) A Study of its Tawatur.
A detailed proof of authenticity of the famous hadith: The Messenger of Allah - may Allah bestow peace and benedictions upon him and his Progeny - said: "Verily, I am leaving behind two precious things (thaqalayn) among you: the Book of God and my kindred (`itrah), my household (Ahlal-Bayt), for indeed, the two will never separate until they come back to me by the Pond (of al-Kawthar on the Judgement Day)." Includes Arabic text of ahadeeth.

- Questions on Jurisprudence - http://www.al-islam.org/masail/ -
The focus of this book is to introduce to the reader those practices and beliefs of the shi'a faith which are not a part of the practice of the majority of the Muslims yet, their existence is witnessed in the Qur'an and authentic Sunnah of the Holy Pr ophet (PBUH&HF). The author discusses the issues of: combining the afternoon and evening prayer, 'Bismillah' is a verse preceding almost every of chapter of al-Qur'an, condensing of the prayer by the traveller, temporary marriage, and wudhu. This a transl ation of al-Masaail al-Fiqhiyya by al-Imam 'Abd al-Husayn Sharaf al-Din al-Musawi. This author was a major contributor to Muslim unity and his works have focused on explaining the belief and practices of the shi'a via the Qur'an and authentic sunni texts.

- Shi`a by Allama Tabatabai - http://www2.mozcom.com/~habib/islamstu.htm

- A Pledge of Allegiance Under the Tree - http://www.alislam.org/beliefs/sunni_shia/treeplg.html
An examination of ayah 18 in Surat al-Fath regarding the believers who swore allegiance under the tree.

- A Sunni Scholar (Maulana Ishaq) gives his point of view about the Shias.
A video presentation (Urdu): http://video.google.com/videoplay?docid=-9031181739160070561

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Julus: an Opportunity Not to be Missed

By Hasnain Walji

Let us tell our fellow Americans the heart rendering story of terrorism in Karbala in a manner they can relate to.

Insaan Ko Bedaar Tou Ho Lene Do,
Har Qaum Pukaaraygi Hamare hain Husayn

Ashura commemoration and their attendant processions are considered to be metahistorical rites, meaning that they stand outside of real time and allow participants to connect themselves physically and emotionally to Sayyidus Shuhada, Imam Husayn (AS), through ritual acts of devotion. For centuries Karbala has stood as a reminder to mankind for the heroic struggle and martyrdom of Imam Husain (as), against the corruption, terrorism, extremism and destruction of human rights These rites of Aza expound a moral choice and serve as a continuing self-appraisal of our commitment to justice and the power of goodness over evil and tyranny. In that context, Imam Husayn's martyrdom was truly a turning point in the history of humanity. Owing to their metahistorical nature, the rituals of Aza have been continually reshaped and reinterpreted according to time and place. The personalities at Karbala give shape to social and political movements in the contemporary area.

For example, in the 19th Century CE, actors portraying Yazid's army in the annual taziya in Iran, wore either Russian or British military uniforms. Much later, in the 70s, Yazid's forces became associated with the Shah's feared secret service - Savak. The 1978 Muharram ceremonies in Iran became key vehicle popular demonstrations against the Shah when millions

many of whom would not ordinarily participate in the Muharram processions, took the opportunity to enter the streets and protest against the Shah. Later, during the Iran/Iraq war, Saddam Husein became the manifestation of Yazid. If we are to study such social movements, we will learn that the rites and rituals of Aza offer a unique opportunity to raise awareness in order to bring about change. In the era we live in, particularly here in North America, our azadari needs to become an instrument of social awareness and hopefully social change.

With the spread of the teachings of Ahlul Bait (as) from Arabia to Persia and then to the sub-continent, rituals surrounding the martyrdom came to be observed by many in India. Indeed, the mourning rituals in the subcontinent had a imbued with the rituals and customs, especially the 'julus' with the 'tabut', during the Aza commemorations. Legend has it that this tradition of tabut originated in India with the Shia wife of Timur, who invaded India in 1398 AD. She had taken a vow to visit the mausoleum of Imam Husain (AS) annually in Iraq but was unable to do so as a result of a serious illness. As a solution, a replica of the mausoleum was placed in her presence during the first ten days of Muharram. According to another source it was started by Timur himself. He built the first tabut after he returned to Samarkand from a pilgrimage to Karbala.

Muharram as observed in Lucknow, the epitome of Shia culture in the sub continent is famous worldwide. The processions of Muharram in Lucknow have a special significance. The processions like Shahi Zarih, Juloos-e-Mehndi, Alam-e-Ashura and that of Chup Tazia, have special significance for Shia community, which is taken out with great religious zeal and fervor. These processions started during the reign of the Awadh Nawabs continued until today. In some form or other, the tradition of Julus continues around the world, where ever the Shia of Indian and Pakistani origin have settled.

For the past two decades, the mumineen in New York, led by the Jaffery Association of North America, (JANA) have been endeavoring to organize the julus through the streets of Manhattan. The procession is held on the first Sunday during the first ten days of Muharram. It starts on 50th and Park Ave and ends on 65th and Madison Ave. I was blessed to participate and address the mumineen at the twenty-first annual Muharram (1427) procession which took place in New York City on Sunday, February 5th, 2006. The annual julus is quite a unique moment in the city that never sleeps. It is significant to note that rarely right in the middle of New York, traffic is at a standstill, where the streets of Manhattan bear the Alams of the Shuhada with the heart rendering spectacle of the Azadaar of Imam Hussein (AS) steeped in their azadari.

I could not but be humbled by the spirit of the old and young, who had come out in their thousands in the memory of the martyrs of Karbala. It was spiritually uplifting to see tall alams proudly rise to bring a new dimension to the New York skyline. As I walked the streets, in the biting cold, I kept thinking of the remarkable opportunity to convey the message of justice and goodness to the wider society. The curious bystanders looked on at what must have appeared to be a colorful but rather a strange demonstration. Observing their mystified expressions, I felt that we were missing an opportunity. For a moment I put myself in their shoes and imagined them asking: what was really going on here? Who are these people? Why are they beating their chests? What are all these strange tall structures that these young men are carrying with such effort? What is the meaning of this chanting?

Regrettably, busy with our rituals, I don't believe, that we were able to answer their questions. More importantly, we had missed an opportunity of Tableegh in the very city which had been traumatized by those who had hijacked our great faith. This was an opportunity to shake their hand and tell the New Yorkers, that indeed Yazid was the foremost terrorist and through the ages the Shia have continued to suffer persecution at the hands of extremists. Now the menace of extremism is manifesting through the heinous deeds of the Al Qaeda against the entire humanity. That we the Shia were the first targets of these Salafi extremists who take their inspiration from Ibne Taymiyyah and Abdul Wahab. Indeed the reaction by the Wahabi faction to disrupt the Muharram 1427 Julus was a living testimony of the bigotry of Salafi extremism being perpetrated upon us the Shia right in the middle of New York. In the day and age we live in, more than ever before, we must be cognizant of the relationship between outward appearance and the ultimate purpose. We are told to, "attract people to virtues not with your word but with your conduct." The julus is very much a showcase for the Shia Community, so, it is imperative for us to observe all the tenets of Islam and at the same time display good manners, morals and conduct ourselves with the decorum and etiquette befitting a people who espouse the highest ideals of justice and compassion, with the Ahlul Bait as our models. It is our duty to deliver Imam Husayn's message to our fellow Americans. We can succeed in this only if we ourselves appear to be true followers of Imam in all our interaction with the community at large. We must reflect the maximum integrity, Islamic values and our sincere commitment to Imam's cause. To do so we must use the julus as an instrument of meaningful engagement with the wider society.

I am sure that the media savvy young men and women of the Community can come up with many attractive means of engaging the onlookers and media alike by dynamic displays, choreographed marches and other electronic messaging tools to convey the message, to a society where the medium has become the message. We have to ensure that the institution of the Julus becomes effective. Perhaps our marketing moguls, well versed in the power of franchising may be able to craft out a standardized orchestration of our julus, so that in all the cities in North America, the people and the media see one package. Can you imagine the multiplier effect of our message? Perhaps the medics in the Community could set up a mobile Hussaini Blood Bank strategically located in the route of the julus so as to show the caring nature of the participants giving blood in the name of Husayn (AS). The list is endless and only limited by our imagination. In this day and age of Islamophobia, it is more important than ever to communicate the message of Karbala to the wider society.

The story of the martyrs of Karbala must be told in the context of today's society. The story of defying and suffering of the Prophet's family and their 72 companions against the wicked regime of the Umayyad dynasty and its tyrannical ruler Yazid, must be told to the world at large. So next time we are in Julus anywhere let us tell the world in a language they can understand why:

Even if streaks of blood now flow from our breasts
May our hands never cease
Let this matam continue on behalf of the one who was wronged
For as long as Fatima's cry comes forth
(Ali Javed Maqsud, Zehra Ki Dua cited by Pinault.)